The St. Kitts-Nevis Observer
No. 797 • February 5, 2010
 
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COMMENTARY By Whitman T. Browne
 

Leadership And Power on St. Kitts-Nevis Since 1952

 
Robert Bradshaw was not the first leader of the workers' struggle on St. Kitts-Nevis. Before Bradshaw there were working-class champions such as Frederick Solomon, Joseph Nathan, Thomas Manchester, Edgar Challenger, and Charles Halbert. These men had travelled beyond St. Kitts-Nevis and encountered consciousness-raising experiences such as Garvey's Back to Africa Movement, African Nationalism, labor unionism, and radical intellectualism.

On their return to St. Kitts-Nevis with their newfound education and new ways of seeing the world, it was these men who laid the foundation for radical social transformation in St. Kitts-Nevis. The exploitation which took place on the sugar plantations, particularly on St. Kitts, provided the opportunity for such men to challenge the system dominated from Britain, and insensitive to the poverty which bred a culture of self-recrimination and powerlessness among the increasingly discontented workers.

In 1916 - 1917, planters on St. Kitts sided with the British Government and refused to allow the formation of labor unions. Nathan and Solomon were among the leading men who formed a friendly society, the Universal Benevolent Society, then used the organization to disguise union-like activities for the working-class. At the same time, Nathan, Solomon and George Wilkes kept criticizing the British Government and the misery it allowed on the islands. The three men also predicted the decline and fall of planter-class domination in the Caribbean.

Bradshaw's ascendency to leadership and political power on St. Kitts-Nevis in 1952 was an acceptance of the baton for working-class struggle, passed on from a solid foundation of radical criticism directed at an unyielding plantocracy. The plantocracy dictated and dominated every aspect of life on the islands. In 1937 there was a move to allow limited voting rights to certain members of the working-class, however, the planter-class reacted to the idea with horror. They continued to believe that leadership was a position that could be trusted only to white planters.

In time, as a result of a series of labor revolts throughout the Caribbean (1934-1939), with that on St. Kitts in 1935 being among the earliest, the British Government sent the Moyne Commission to report on what was causing such devastating social unrest in the colonies. Accordingly, Lord Moyne and Sir Walter Citrine, two very radical thinkers in Britain at the time, saw to it that the report on their findings was honest. They described the squalor and suffering, seen in the colonies, and the dire need for change. Two results were the formation of the St. Kitts-Nevis Trades and Labor Union in 1940 and the emergence of legitimate Afro-Caribbean political leadership in 1952, epitomized by Robert Bradshaw. The politics that came with Bradshaw inherited from, and replaced the politics of the planter-class.

Accordingly, the new politics instituted and brought far-reaching social and economic changes to the islands. It also empowered the poor and powerless masses giving them more control over their lives. However, Bradshaw also borrowed from the planter-class society and its politics. He remained conscious of his power; developed an authoritarian style; and demonstrated a sense of political ownership. Bradshaw was a proud, arrogant Afro-Caribbean man whom few dared to challenge in his role as leader. Like the planter-class before him, he too failed to accept the reality of inevitable change and died in office May, 1978, without having given attention to his succession.

Bradshaw's thinking was of a forever leadership - not that change is an inevitability of time. These legacies from Bradshaw seem to have instructed and shaped the politics of St. Kitts-Nevis even today. Of the four leaders who succeeded Bradshaw, only Southwell who died suddenly in1979, did not demonstrate a willingness to hold on to leadership forever. The next leader, Lee Moore, refused to seat Kennedy Simmonds, leader of the opposition People's Action Movement (PAM), who had won a seat in the Assembly. Moore called a new election 1980, instead of acceding to the wishes of voters. He lost three Labor Party seats in that election. After about one year in office, Moore inadvertently set the stage for a PAM-NRP coalition government led by Dr. Kennedy Simmonds.

As leader of the PAM-NRP coalition Simmonds led St. Kitts-Nevis 1980 to 1993. He continued for two more years leading a minority PAM Government until it collapsed under pressure from a hostile society. Like the plantocracy, like Bradshaw, and like Moore, Dr. Simmonds was thinking of a forever leadership. Interestingly, the person who brought every form of criticism he could to have Prime Minister Simmonds leave office, was Dr. Denzil Douglas.

After 15 years, Prime Minister Simmonds ran out of options. His party was beaten in the 1995 election. Prime Minister Douglas took office in July, 1995, just under 15 years ago. Now, like the plantocracy, like Bradshaw, like Moore, and like Simmonds, Douglas continues to dominate the leadership and to dream of forever - not succession. Consequently, one critical question each Kittitian and Nevisian can ponder in 2010 is: How much have politics and democracy advanced on St. Kitts-Nevis during the 58 years of Afro-Caribbean leadership?

 
 
 
 
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